Friday, June 13, 2014

Come, Let Us Reason Together



The situation hasn't quite reached the Reasoning stage, but I sense it's getting there.

I went to the fundraiser/event up in El Dorado-Santa Fe that David Correia mentioned yesterday on the radio (Yesterday's program has not been uploaded yet). It struck me more as an informational get together for Santa Feans who may not be particularly current about what's going on regarding the actions against police violence in Albuquerque than it was a fundraiser -- although some money was raised.

David Correia spoke at length as did Mike Gomez (his unarmed son, Alan, was shot and killed by APD sniper Sean Wallace -- his third shoot, second fatality -- in 2010, and the Gomez family received a $900,000 settlement from the city last December). There was also a flutist named Karma Lama (video above) and a story-teller from New York named Regina Ress. It was a well rounded and spiritual evening.

David was arrested and charged with a felony on Monday at a sit in at the mayor's office and said he had to get permission from the court to travel outside Bernalillo County (ABQ) to come to this event.

Many of those in attendance (I'd guess there were 40 or so all in all) had experience as activists against police violence, as have I.  Information was shared widely. One had come from Taos and had been involved in the protests against the state police shooting at a van full of children, and there were others associated with Occupy Santa Fe (or is it (Un)Occupy? No one seemed to know...;-) and the A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition -- which is much more active in NM, it seems, than I can recall it being anywhere else, and which has been doing yeoman service on behalf of the movement. I believe about half of the 'Burque 13 arrested at the mayor's office on Monday were from the A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition.

There was a lot of talk about media attention and how to create the conditions that cause -- or force -- change in the police culture in Albuquerque, and once that's done, how to spread those ideas well beyond ABQ. There was recognition that the problem of police violence is not unique to Albuquerque. National and international attention has been focused on Albuquerque because of the Boyd killing in March and the numerous demonstrations since then. But the problem is nationwide, and finding ways to address and correct it in Albuquerque is intended to lead to positive change in police culture around the country.

It's a daunting task, in part because of resistance by the police and the city's power elites. The police are openly defiant, deeply resentful, and frankly terrified of those they are supposed to be policing. The point was made that they are trained to believe everyone is armed, and they are taught to be afraid for their lives in almost every encounter -- which is part of the reason why they shoot so often. David refrained from going into the detailed history of APD, but he acknowledged that they see their role and position (and the risks they take) very differently than the public at large. He pointed out that many of those he met when he was in jail are terrified of the police, live in mortal fear of what they are capable of doing, and this mutual fear infects whole communities.

The police fear the public, and a significant portion of the public is terrified of the police.

It's an unsustainable situation.

Activists have been attempting to get the city to acknowledge the problem and change its ways for many years, but every previous reform effort (and there have been many) has either failed or had mixed results at best. The opportunity now for some kind of success is better than it has been for years, but there is still intense resistance by the city's entire power structure. They don't want to change, and if change is forced on them, they don't want those changes to be more than cosmetic.

The underlying problem is a deep and pervasive level of corruption that would expose many city officials, including police officers and higher ups, to criminal prosecution. The FBI and DoJ are -- apparently -- investigating that aspect of the problem as well as the matter of police violence itself. David mentioned that many police officers quit in disgust when they discovered just how corrupt the department is, and they've joined the activists advocating for change.

It was obvious to me, as it has been for some time, that these activists are clear headed, determined, and they are organized. They know what to do and they do it well. They have been able to disrupt and discommode the routines of the powerful, they have been able to de-legitimize authority within the city's administration, and they have kept the pressure on for months.

I wasn't able to provide them with a lot of financial support, but I contributed what I could. Money wasn't really the issue last night in any case. It was much more about community building, and that seemed to go darned well.




Note: there will be a demonstration and march in Albuquerque June 21 starting at 11am at Roosevelt Park.


(The moon hanging in the eastern sky as I drove home was magical too....)

Thursday, June 12, 2014

Iran To Rescue Iraq From the Sunni Rebels?

Now there's something to contemplate, though it's hardly surprising. As much as the corrupt Shia regime in Baghdad is a client of the United States, it's long been known to be a spiritual and cultural client of Tehran.

So. There's a Sunni uprising -- again -- in Anbar and attacks are being launched in Baghdad itself, and Iran is apparently sending reinforcements to prop up the tottering Maliki regime. American airstrikes are being planned. Panic is nigh. What a clusterfuck. Again. (And don't take Amy's reportage as gospel.)

News is somewhat sketchy -- as all eyes are on Virginia and the Teahadist overthrow of Bohner's #2 -- but even NBC's intrepid Richard Engel, war reporter, recognized why this was happening. The Sunnis have been excluded from Iraqi leadership and politics since the stupid Bush-Cheney engineered invasion that overthrew The Devil Saddam. The Sunnis never accepted it. They have been fighting back ever since.

It's not rocket science, but the only thing the various powers that be can contemplate is total victory or total surrender. The idea of finding accommodation has never entered their minds. They're mad. As in "insane."

How much worse is this fresh hell going to get?

$6 Million for Christopher Torres Death by APD

$8 million for Ken Ellis III's death by APD. Millions and millions and millions more for multiple deaths and injuries by APD since 2010.

At some point, it starts adding up to real money. But The Powers That Be in Albuquerque have so far not batted an eye at this strange "cost of doing business" in The Land of Enchantment.

There were two more killings by police over the weekend. Sixteen year old Victor Villalpando shot and killed by Española police on Sunday, and 24 year old Troy Kirkpatrick shot and killed by Carlsbad police on Monday.

Both shoots are questionable at the least. The case of Victor Villalpando has shaken residents of the town of Española because of the fact that police have charged that Villalpando "pointed a gun" at them as their excuse for killing him. Only no "gun" has been produced, and people who knew the boy said it was completely out of character for him to have a gun, to want a gun or in any way to be associated with firearms. The state police were called in to investigate the shooting and they refuse to comment.

The story the police tell in Española about Victor Villalpando is very similar to the one Jeremy Dear told in Albuquerque as justification for killing Mary Hawkes last April. Dear claimed Hawkes "pointed a gun" at him and he had no choice but to kill her, but the autopsy showed she was shot in the back, like James Boyd was, and the gun that APD initially produced in support of the officer's statement was a gun "similar to" the one Hawkes was said to have pointed at the officer. The "actual" gun wasn't produced for quite some time, and then only in photos.  Curiously, people are skeptical of the claim there was any gun at all.

There is no video of the shooting, nor -- interestingly -- has there been any police video of any police shooting in Albuquerque since the release of the video of the killing of James Boyd in March, a video which the police chief initially declared exonerated the police and justified the shooting. The public, for some reason, disagreed.

Christopher Torres was the son of the Bernalillo County Deputy Manager, a rather high ranking civil official. Mary Hawkes was the daughter of a retired Valencia County magistrate judge who had been a police officer for many years. In other words, these two -- among a number of others who have been shot and killed by police -- were pretty well connected within the local power structure, and their deaths by APD raised hackles well beyond the homeless, the druggies and the parole violators that are the supposed victims of police violence. Those people, of course, have been demonized for years, and if they die by police violence, oh well, they needed to, amirite?

But in the cases of Christoper Torres and Mary Hawkes and Ken Ellis III and James Boyd and so many others, no, they were bad shoots. The killings were wrong. Tens of millions of dollars have already been assessed against the city and APD and paid out for some of these cases, and many millions more no doubt will be assessed and paid out for cases not yet adjudicated. Up till now, these judgements and settlements have simply been the cost of doing business, never really been seen as something to be concerned about, certainly not to be concerned enough to order the police to stop the killing.

Not yet.

After all, we have to understand who is being protected by this shooting rampage by police and why they are allowed to continue killing at will. Even in the cases of Mary Hawkes and Christopher Torres, the daughter and son of rather prominent people, the police were just doing their jobs as they see them.

Killing -- in the sense of on-the-spot executions -- is part of how they see their jobs. It is what they believe they are supposed to do.

Mary Hawkes was suspected in the theft of a truck, and when a police officer saw what he thought was the stolen truck, he gave chase. Apparently he stalked the truck and driver for several hours during the night, and when the driver appeared to abandon the truck and try to escape, he pursued on foot, eventually shooting the victim to death as she attempted to climb over a wall (at least that's what seems to have happened.) The officer had no idea who she was. He claimed she pointed a gun at him, but there is no credible evidence that is so. There is only the statement of the officer and the suspicious weapon photographed next to the dead girl's body by crime scene investigators well after the fact. Those who knew Mary Hawkes are highly skeptical of the police account.

The fact is that Mary Hawkes had been under surveillance and stalked by police for hours. When she was seen "escaping" she became a target for execution. All that was necessary was a pretext, such as "pointing a gun" at the officer attempting to apprehend her. So it would be as she was apparently attempting to scale a wall around a mobile home park. She was shot and killed, and that was that.

Christopher Torres was shot and killed while resisting two plain-clothes officers who jumped the fence into his backyard shouting at him and demanding his surrender. He suffered from schizophrenia, had no idea who they were and was not competent to understand what they wanted even if he had known who they were. Police claimed he grabbed one of their guns -- from out of the inside of his pants? -- and that's why he was shot and killed, but the one woman who witnessed some of what happened said that's not so. Torres did not grab the officer's gun. Instead, the officer pulled his gun and shot Torres in the back three times during a struggle in which the officer was punching and beating Torres while he was trying to avoid the blows and defend himself.

The witness thought that Torres was being mugged by gang members. Torres, of course, was unarmed. The judgement against the officers was scathing. The judge said that the officers provoked the incident and that their use of force ultimately killing Torres was out of bounds, in part due to his mental condition -- a condition which they should have known about  since his parents had made it clear to police, but the officers involved didn't bother to check before their botched attempt to interview Torres on a month-old warrant.

There was a meeting between the Albuquerque police chief and prominent members of the business community at which he was questioned and made statements about the DoJ's recommendations for reform of the department. No one apparently brought up the costs to the city for all of these killings, costs which may get far higher once the killings of James Boyd, Mary Hawkes and some of the others are adjudicated. For business people, these costs have to matter.

Why are these killings happening, and why are all of them -- all, without exception -- declared "justified" by the DA?

I saw her on the news last night, practically hysterical over the judgement in the Torres case -- a shooting she had declared "justified" -- claiming that "if there was new evidence" of course she would reconsider whether or not the shooting was justified, insisting that the judge had considered evidence she didn't have (apparently referring to the eyewitness testimony, testimony that the APD didn't bother to get prior to the civil trial.)  The DA is under increasing criticism and controversy over her inability to find any unjustified police shooting case despite an abundance of evidence -- which for some reason never reaches her...

I'm convinced that most if not all of these shootings happen because of an internal -- but not publicly stated -- mandate the police in general have, not just APD.

Force protection comes first: any perceived threat is to be met with overwhelming force, up to and including lethal force, whether or not there is an actual threat. This comes directly out of military practice in the various war-theaters, where hundreds if not thousands of Iraqis and Afghans have been shot and killed because they were perceived to be threats (for example, at checkpoints or merely because they were in the way of operations or other military priorities.)  The slaughter of innocents in these wars is seen to be just and proper according to largely unstated rules of engagement, and there is no recourse for the victims and survivors. None. That attitude toward threats and force protection has been widely adopted by domestic police forces -- and is clearly a fundamental factor in APD's killings. All they have to do is state that they were "scared for their lives" and almost automatically any action they subsequently take is declared to be justified.

Secondly, the police don't work for the public (any more than the military defends the public.) They work on behalf of the power-and-money players. Guess what? The poor, the marginally sane and insane, the homeless, the drug-addled, the young, the culturally alien black and brown, and other subgroups are considered to be threats to power and money and are therefore subjected to intense policing which from time to time includes summary executions, beatings, and incarceration, all intended to keep the Rabble in line.

This is how the police see their jobs: 1) protect themselves first, 2) protect power and money from the Rabble. Anything else is seen as low priority or no priority.

The DoJ will eventually come up with a program for reform, but if the reform experience elsewhere is any indication, the program will be resisted and defied by the police  -- as in Seattle and Oakland -- and many of the reforms will either take many years to implement or will never be implemented at all, especially if they interfere in any way with force protection and protection of power and money. Serving the public is simply not on the table no matter what anybody says. The abuse and the killing will not stop.

So what can be done?

Some have suggested disbanding the APD and starting over. It would be a rational course if "starting over" meant an improvement, but under the circumstances, that's unlikely. What I've suggested is essentially restricting APD's jurisdiction. Barring them from policing in certain targeted neighborhoods, for example. Substituting a local, community or neighborhood based safety patrols in the affected areas while restricting police (per se) to areas where they feel "safe" might well go far toward correcting the problems of police abuse of power and unjustified killings.

Something must be done, and done soon, to curb the killing spree.

Until it is, there will be no justice and no peace.

Monday, June 9, 2014

The Oligarch-Fascist-Nazi Axis -- Normalization Phase or "TINA"

 TINA: "There is no alternative."

There is No Alternative from Churning the Earth


It's become explicit once again. So explicit is the resurgence of the Oligarch-Fascist-Nazi Axis that even private sector propaganda organs are no longer trying to hide it. Only state propaganda obscures or denies what is more and more obvious every day. With the recent election in India, practically the whole earth has now fallen under one or another Oligarchic, Fascist, and/or explicitly/implicitly Nazi rule, and governments by and large are fine with it. They encourage it. They instigate regime change in order to install preferred fascist regimes. They insist that there is no alternative. From a political and big ticket economic sense, they're right. There is only one way forward, and it is monstrous and cruel, and there is no succor or relief for those who can't or won't submit.

Watching events unfold, particularly in Ukraine lately, but in more and more places around the world for a decade and longer, is literally sick making.

How did we come to this point? And what do we do about it?

I'm seeing plenty of indications that Oligarchic/Fascist/Nazi rule is orchestrated at the highest levels of government throughout the West, and that essentially all Western governments have been synchronized and coordinated (in the very German sense of the word "Gleichschaltung") to follow a single path from which none deviate or even think of deviating. 

All of these coordinated governments are aligned with one another, but they are by and large governing contrary to the interests of their people. This has been a factor of American governance for many years, and I've made note of the habit of the American governing class to govern contrary to the public interest many times. "Governing contrary" to the public interest is now a feature of governments everywhere in the West. The idea has spread beyond its initial loci. It's like a disease that is unstoppable once the governing classes are infected.

The bulwark against the rule of the Neo- (con, lib, fascist, Nazi)s was thought to be Russia, for reasons I can't understand. Post-Soviet Russia is something of the type-model for what is being instigated and imposed pretty much world-wide.

Public wealth is appropriated by a handful of Oligarchs (or, in many cases, is "voluntarily" handed over after sale by pliant and sometimes eager governments). These Oligarchs then assert their authority and control over governments near and far, governments which must then serve the interests of the Oligarchs while keeping the Rabble in line -- by any means necessary. 

The Rabble lose their political rights as well as what was formerly available to them as "public good." Everything of value is seized by those whose greed is as unbounded as their power. There is nothing the Rabble can do about it. None of the formerly effective tools of "democracy" work for them any more. They keep pushing the "democracy" button nonetheless, in the hopes that perhaps someday in the future it will function once again.

It won't.

Keeping the Rabble in line requires clever psychological ploys which are mostly accomplished through propaganda in the media and indoctrination in the civic sphere -- including schools and workplaces and all the other institutions which are coordinated with the ruling parties. Should there be a breakdown in the psy-ops used against the people, and especially should the people rise against the rule imposed upon them, they are routinely given an ultimatum, and if they don't obey, they are crushed with whatever violence The Powers That Be choose to impose. Often enough, the ultimatum step is skipped, and TPTB go right to violence.

It is particularly true in the way policing operates these days: torture, assassination and summary execution are routine. Mass incarceration is standard. Injustice reigns in the courts. Government turns a blind eye to all the suffering and destruction among those who resist or who have the potential to resist. 

Everyone else is "coordinated" through patriotism, nationalism, race pride and other such means. 

Introducing the notion of perpetual war against shadowy but myriad enemies at home and abroad makes the process of coordinating the non-resistant Rabble to follow the requirements of their rulers that much easier. War reinforces the sense of duty and obedience that many people have quite naturally. There is no alternative to following the orders of those who know better when there is an existential threat to be thwarted, after all.

Those who resist are isolated and ultimately eliminated.

This is all being normalized as we speak. There is no alternative, and even if there were, would the alternative be much different?

Given the current level of propaganda, I'm not at all sure that most Americans are in a position to even begin to sort these things out. We're seeing how difficult or impossible it is for Europeans to do it these days, as the horrors of European austerity regimes cause more and more suffering. The Europeans no longer rise up against it as they once did. Now they are practically mute.


Russians have no greater level of freedom. 

Now that India is being "synchronized" with the rest of the neo-con/lib/fascist/Nazi New World Order, we have only some outposts here and there where something else again might be realized, and those places, one by one, are being integrated into the new global normal. Soon enough, will there any alternative anywhere?

The Oligarchs and the Fascists and the Nazis intend that there won't be.

Ever.


Sunday, June 8, 2014

The Real Plan for East and South Ukraine: Depopulation?

AKA "ethnic cleansing."

If the stories coming out of Ukraine after Poroshenko's inauguration are true, that there has been a massive escalation of violence by the so-called Ukrainian military, there can really only be one conclusion: the policy being implemented under the banner of "anti-terrorism" is strictly speaking one of depopulation and ethnic cleansing.

The trouble is, of course, we can't know with any certainty whether the stories are true or not, in part because of the overwhelming level of propaganda in western news media, and partly because there is so little real time coverage of what's going on, whether or not it's propaganda. There is an effective news blackout. But if the stories are true, it's truly monstrous.

Pogroms on a massive scale. Some seven to eight million, and perhaps more to be killed or dispossessed, made refugees, set on the run. The message is clear: refuse the demands and orders of the fascist new world order and pay the price. Be in the way of the ramrod of the fascist new world order and pay the price. The price is death and destruction. There is no appeal. There is no succor.

Depending on how you look at it, Russia will apparently stand and watch, either powerless to intervene or not inclined to do so.

The people themselves have choices: leave or die. Or leave and die.

And every single western government  is just fine with it, actively supports or looks away from the carnage and destruction and dispossession. Russia is practically mute. A rerun of "Creative destruction" on steroids.

The triumph of global fascism/Nazism is now assured.

Who ordered this Future?

Saturday, June 7, 2014

Meanwhile Over in Kiev City

At the inauguration ceremony of the Chocolate King one of his Chocolate Soldiers got the Vapors...



Musta been the heat and the thrill of it all....

Friday, June 6, 2014

Spreading Truth Around

David Correia was arrested on Monday during the sit in at the Albuquerque mayor's office and charged with "battery on a police officer" -- a felony -- on the basis of a claim that he pushed the officer with his chest in an effort to interfere with his public duties.

This video shows the altercation as it transpired. Who is "pushing" whom?



Meant to add, but got distracted: The apparent incident for which David Correia has been charged with a felony is shown at the top of the video, though it is partially blocked by people in front of the camera. What can be seen is that the bearded man -- who is apparently some kind of mayoral non-uniformed security who has been involved in other altercations with other protesters -- grabs David who turns around and raises his hands, the bearded man pushes David and gets him off balance as David turns again with his hands up; the bearded man then grabs him forcefully around the torso and drags him into the "secure" area, where they are seen in the background in conversation. That conversation and the followup are seen in another video here.

This twit photo shows David with his hands in the air as the bearded "security" fellow is man-handling him:

ABQ Mayor's goon assaults David Correia; Correia is charged with felony battery on the so-called "officer".



Same Mayor's goon assaulting someone else...

Touchy-touchy!

Of course, the whole point of the felony charge of "battery" against David Correia is to shut him up one way or another. He has been barred, for example, from City Hall and is forbidden to speak with any of the 12 others who were arrested at the sit-in at the Mayor's office.

New Mexico Mercury has a run-down of some of the blizzard of fabrications, lies, and distortions that Power has launched with regard to this incident, and there is more at Photography Is Not a Crime.

Further, a UNM colleague of David's has written an open letter in his defense which was published with additional photos of the alleged "battery" at La Jicarita.

In addition, KOAT has set out to smear David -- and by extension to smear the families of those who have lost loved ones to police gunfire -- through innuendo like this. As if, somehow, the presence of children at a protest is a priori "endangerment." Well, just who is "endangering" whom?

David responded on twitter:




I don't know who the child is but I suspect it is one of Mary Jobe's, as their father was killed by APD in one of their many questionable uses of lethal force, and Mary was at the sit in. Note: the surveillance video featured by KOAT was taken outside the mayor's office, not where the sit in took place.

KOB managed to track down and pry a statement out of the ever-elusive ABQ mayor:

 

Berry said he was in New York City for a mayors' conference when he found out about the protest.
Had he been in his office, Berry said he would have talked to the group.
"I would have said, 'Listen. We're happy to talk you,'" Berry said. "'Let's do it in a productive and meaningful manner.'"
The mayor says he wants to move forward and focus on starting a dialogue with the protesters to keep City Hall from being disrupted again.
"We want people to know that we are listening. We do want to listen," he said. "A number of people that came up as protesters we have met. We've reached out to them. Others, we haven't had a chance yet, but we will."
Yah, right. Liar.

Nora Anaya -- who was one of those arrested at the sit-in and whose nephew was killed by APD in 1988 -- has been trying to speak to the mayor about APD for over a year, but he's blown her off.

Police arrested 13 protesters. One woman, Nora Anaya, chained herself to a display case outside of Berry's office.
At the time, Anaya told KOB she had been waiting a year to see Berry after she scheduled a meeting. Anaya's nephew was killed by APD, according to the ANSWER Coalition.
"It's not overly hard to get in to see me," Berry told KOB on Thursday. "I asked my staff how many folks that came in actually requested meetings. I think one or two of them had. And one lady had asked for a meeting a year ago and didn't get it. So we need to do better with that too."
Yah, "we" do. But will "we?" No, "we" won't. Ha. Ha. Suckers!

The cowardice shown by the city administration and the APD over this issue -- and not just this issue -- is sometimes breathtaking. Police abuse and murder, corruption, misconduct, and unaccountability has brought on the city international disrepute and shame. The failure of city officials to address the problems of APD misconduct responsibly -- or even to acknowledge the existence of a problem until forced to do so by DoJ -- boggles the mind and shocks the conscience. It's clear from their actions -- and inaction -- that not only do these people in positions of authority not care, they actually approve of the conduct of their  police force, and they are literally daring anyone, anyone at all, to do anything about it.

Many of those who have been protesting recently have been speaking out for years, going to city council meetings, attempting to communicate with the mayor, doing the "right thing" by seeking redress of grievance, and they've been blown off, ignored, disrespected, insulted, denounced and dismissed over and over and over again. The only thing that has gotten the attention of the city officials and APD is direct action and mass protest which triggered the release of the long-delayed DoJ report on APD's culture of violence and unconstitutional policing.

And now the same cowardly officials who have consistently acted out of contempt for the citizens they are supposed to be serving have set out to smear the protesters and disable their ability to gain further attention to their cause. It is as shameful a display of arrogance, ignorance and cowardice as I have ever seen from civic officials anywhere.

I can understand why they do it: they're frightened to death. Much of what has been revealed has the potentiality of criminal liability and consequences for many of the officials and officers involved. DoJ did not do a criminal investigation, but FBI has been called in to do an extensive field investigation of the killing of James Boyd, and there are many other potentials for the criminal liability of city and APD officials and officers going back many years. It's an inherently unstable and unsustainable situation for the city's officials, and they know it.

Their efforts to shut up the protesters and shut down the protests are bound to fail. Nevertheless, they will continue trying, continue to defy calls for reform, continue to misuse authority, and continue to engage in cowardly, corrupt practices.

Police Abuse and Civil Interaction

I've been involved with the issue of police abuse for nearly twenty years. During that time, I rarely had cause to call the police or to have any kind of interaction with them.

From memory, I can recall these instances: I was assaulted and robbed on one occasion (and did not report it as nothing of value was taken and I was not injured). I called the police once when my house was burglarized and some jewelry and a laptop computer were stolen. They came, did a cursory walk-through investigation, said "too bad so sad" and went on their merry way. Never heard from them again, never got the stolen property back, though I was pretty sure who had done it and when.

Once my house was surrounded by police and incomprehensible orders were being shouted over loudspeakers. I called 911 (!) to find out what was going on (!), and they, bless their hearts, got in touch with officers on the scene who reported to the 911 dispatcher that they were after a fugitive who was said to be in our backyard and that we who lived there should stay put. Good advice. The police were prowling and patrolling in the backyard and on the streets round about for a good hour or more, but if they found the fugitive, we never knew about it. They just went away. Poof, just like that.

I was stopped by a furious policewoman in front of my house one time. She claimed that she had seen me driving erratically, though how she could have is something of a mystery as she was in a line of traffic several cars behind mine. I told her that what she thought she saw was not me and my car, as I had not done what she claimed. Her fury increased. I asked her what harm was done by the driver who did what she claimed. She said it was endangering oncoming traffic. I asked her "what oncoming traffic?" as the oncoming lane was blocked by construction and empty the entire time that my lane was full of cars. She started to calm down. When I told her we were stopped in front of my own house, her fury seemed to dissipate. She gave me a fix it ticket for a cracked windshield and went on her way.

Bizarre. Her fury was what seemed so out of place, even if I had done what she said. There was nothing in what she was claiming to warrant such an attitude of hostility.

There was an incident of police gunfire on the street across the street from our house (we lived on a north-south street; two east-west streets stubbed out across the street from our house) very dramatic and all. An officer was chasing a fugitive at high speed. The fugitive turned onto the street across the street from ours and his car smashed into a tree or obstacle of some sort. The fugitive got out and commenced to run just as the cop rounded the corner. The cop got out of his car, commanded the fugitive to halt, and when he did not, the cop commenced firing. He fired at least six times. A bullet hit the fugitive in the leg, and he was apprehended. Much to-do. The neighbors were not amused. They were especially not amused when they learned that the officer had been firing rather wildly at a suspect who was running away on a residential street where children, dogs and old people, among others, were frequently out and about.

And then there was the case of the murder in the house on the corner of the other street across the street from ours. This murder happened during the night and wasn't discovered until the next day. There was an extensive investigation because of the prominence of the murdered man and the somewhat dodgy circumstances of his death (they said he'd picked up an underage male prostitute who shot him and stole some jewelry and money, or so the investigation concluded. A suspect was apprehended and tried for 2nd degree murder, and I believe he was convicted or confessed.) The police were all over the neighborhood looking for clues and interviewing residents as potential witnesses, but none of us had seen the man recently nor had any of us seen the young man he allegedly brought home with him. The man was discovered dead by his cleaning lady the morning after he was shot. Later on, friends of ours bought the house at a deep discount because a murder had happened there. They were happy as clams to be able to live in such a nice place at such a bargain! The murder didn't phase them, and they said the blood on the hardwood floor of the living room cleaned up nicely. They tended to have a morbid sense of humor in any case.

I've attended many hearings on police abuse, interviewed victims, and have heard hundreds of stories about the arbitrary and unaccountable imposition of police authority on residents of a number of cities. I've prepared reports on police abuse and attended any number of task force meetings on what to do about it. I helped write some legislation regarding police accountability.

But apart from those incidents mentioned, I've had almost no interaction with police in the last twenty years or so, and I would guess that most people of my gender, class, race, and age have had even less contact with police. To many or even to most people like me (male, middle class, white, older) the issue of "police abuse" is an abstraction and those who protest and demand change are seen as either tragically misguided or agitators who probably deserved what they got or whose loved ones "needed killing." Based on the testimonies I've heard and the behavior of police as it is reported and documented, the reality of police abuse is very different than many of those who don't experience it typically imagine.

To see the problem of police abuse unfolding again in Albuquerque is sometimes difficult for me to deal with. But the issue has come much closer to us than what's gone on in Albuquerque.

Though we don't live in town, there have been a couple of recent police involved shootings not far away from us that are very troubling. One man was shot and killed by a state police sniper. It was at first falsely claimed that the man had fired on police, but it was later determined that he had not. He was having an "episode". He had apparently threatened to fire on police and he refused to surrender sufficiently quickly, though both the sheriff and the man's family were negotiating with him when he was shot by the state police sniper. The state police sniper who shot him had killed another man in Albuquerque a few weeks previously.

The man the sniper killed in Albuquerque is said by the dead man's family to be "the wrong brother." According to them, two brothers were holed up in their mother's apartment. One had fired on police the night before and was wanted for that incident (as I recall, the officer was injured, but I may be thinking of another incident, there have been so many.) The police did not know which brother had fired on the officer previously. A gun fight ensued at the brother's mother's apartment, as one of the brothers -- the police did not know which one, though they claimed they did -- fired from inside the apartment at police who fired back. Eventually, the brother who the family said had fired at officers in the first instance surrendered and was taken into custody on an outstanding warrant. The other brother was negotiating his own surrender when the state police sniper spied him passing by a window and shot him dead. According to the police, the brother who was killed was the one who had shot at police; according to the family, he was not, he never fired a gun at all. The brother they took into custody was the one who had done the deed. He pleaded guilty to the outstanding charge against him (I forget what it was, maybe stolen property) and was sentenced to two years. The family is distraught. They don't know what to do. They're terrified that when the brother in prison is released, he'll do something worse and get more people killed. They say they tried to explain the real situation to the police, but they wouldn't listen. A typical complaint is that the Albuquerque police don't listen, they only react.

The other police involved shooting in our area took place after a man living far out in the country called local police to report a suspicious vehicle parked in or near his driveway. This took place in the dead of night. The police arrived in an unmarked car, and a sheriff's deputy arrived in an (almost) unmarked SUV soon afterwards. They inspected the car in question, found nothing out of the ordinary, and were about to leave when the man who had called the police in the first place fired on one of their cars (I don't recall which one). Both the police officer and the deputy fired back, wounding the man who had fired on them. He made his way to a neighbor's house where he was found by police. They called a helicopter to take him to a hospital in Albuquerque where he was treated for his injuries.

According to news reports, the man said he didn't know who had arrived to inspect the car he had reported as "suspicious" as he saw no identification on their vehicles. He thought they might be confederates of whoever the suspicious car belonged to, and he had fired at the front of one of their vehicles to prevent their escape. When he found out who they were, he was surprised and sorry. The incident is chalked up to an "Oops."

New Mexico is an open carry state, so there are some people who parade around with their sidearms in plain view. It seems like everyone has a weapon of some sort and is prepared to use it. Plenty of people have arsenals at home. This proliferation of firearms in private hands has led to plenty of tragedies in New Mexico and elsewhere, and I'm convinced that a big part of the reason why officers are so trigger happy in Albuquerque and around the state is because they know that potentially everybody they encounter is armed and they really believe that this armed citizenry will use their guns if the police don't shoot first.

Of course there is much more to the police abuse situation in Albuquerque. It's not simply that the police are afraid for their lives amid an armed and more and more hostile citizenry -- though they are that. It is also that the police have developed a rigidly and self-righteously hostile culture toward a wide range of citizens and residents of the city they are sworn to protect and serve.

New Mexico is a poor state. Poverty is endemic. Given the economic collapse of the past number of years -- a collapse which is severe and ongoing in New Mexico -- poverty has been increasing rather than diminishing. Poverty and poor people are being concentrated in parts of Albuquerque. And those just happen to be the parts of Albuquerque where police abuse and police involved shootings happen with the most frequency.

How unsurprising.

And that's part of the problem the residents of Albuquerque recognize. The police treat poor people in general as threats, and they treat poor neighborhoods as territories to be occupied or put under siege. They don't treat apparently well-off people and neighborhoods the same way at all. At least until recently they didn't...

These days, it's not so clear-cut. SWAT teams have been called out to some pretty pricey areas, and some relatively well-off households have felt the lethal sting of police weapons turned against them. Armand Martin, for example, was black but he was far from poor, and he lived in a well-off, well-groomed neighborhood on the West Side. His encounter with SWAT led to his death after an hours-long siege of his house. But it wasn't the first time that neighborhood had been visited by Albuquerque SWAT, nor has it been the last. There have been a few other cases where otherwise well-off and even prominent households their offspring have been subjected to lethal police force.

In other words, the police don't solely target the poor.

Nor do they solely target brown and black residents.

It's a critical mistake to believe they do. They target those they believe have gotten out of line or those who will get out of line if not stopped dead or otherwise forcefully controlled.

They patrol poor neighborhoods as if they were an occupying power to be sure, and those neighborhoods are the homes of many brown and black residents. But they are not exclusively so. Police also seek and sometimes use lethal force against individuals who are acting out in any way they find threatening... and to a police officer, any unusual activity can be seen as a threat of some kind, just as any hand-held object can be and too often is seen by police as a "weapon" pointed at them -- even when it is only a cell phone.

I have long urged families not to call 911 if a loved one is in emotional or other distress or is acting out or acting weird. The police will come and they will use lethal force if they perceive a threat of any kind and your loved one will die. There will be no help from calling 911 in such circumstances, so don't do it. Of course people still call 911 -- because they don't know what else to do, and they are conditioned to believe that compassionate help of some kind is available and will be dispatched. NO! It's not and won't be. The police will be sent... and the police will kill.

So what should be done?

Families, households and communities have to learn not to call 911 or the police just because someone is behaving strangely or even if that person is threatening them -- at least not if they don't want that person to die. There will be no compassionate help available in such situations. Much better for families, neighborhoods and communities to establish an informal system of compassionate help rather than to call on official services -- which too often lead to death.

That's a first step, it seems to me, and given the plethora of non-profits established to serve "underprivileged" communities it's shocking and appalling that there really is no informal system of compassionate help available to the general population when individuals and families face these kinds of crises; instead, many of the non-profits in the "helping" community that might be providing compassionate help have an institutional policy of calling the police. 

A further step requires the "de-occupation/de-seiging" of poor and marginal neighborhoods. Assuming an armed police force is necessary for public safety -- an at times questionable assumption -- "de-occupation" can sometimes be accomplished through community policing practices that apparently aren't being utilized in Albuquerque. But it's not fool-proof. If the police culture is one of force and violence toward the public in practically any confrontation or situation of disobedience, then community policing can actually make things worse. Police culture has to change or the police have to be barred from those areas where their behavior has led to tragedy after tragedy.

Barred? Indeed.The police must be denied access under certain conditions. They can be replaced with an alternate public safety corps, one that might actually be drawn from the community... what a concept. This was part of the thinking behind the establishment of the Black Panthers back in the day, and it can still be a useful model to consider. Guardian Angels are another model. There are others. The point is to keep the police out of situations and areas where their conduct will almost inevitably lead to tragedy.

Changing the role of the police -- rather than trying to change the police culture -- might be a more useful undertaking in the short term. Albuquerque police are defiant about the reforms the community and the DoJ are demanding. They refuse to comply. This was true in Oakland, and it's true in Seattle and other cities. They refuse to comply -- or they "comply" in ways that often make the situation worse. An answer to that is to reduce their numbers and authorities and to change their role so that their public face is diminished.

Confine them to SWAT operations -- and never call them out... ;-)

There are many creative alternatives to the problem of police abuse.

One of the most important is to make it impossible for them to continue their prior behavior.

Thursday, June 5, 2014

A National and International Disgrace -- Police Abuse and the Mentally Ill

Back in the late 1960s, the Ronald Reagan administration in California (he was governor for two terms before he was President -- and I only say that because it was so long ago now that many seem not to know or remember) began the process of dismantling the state public mental health care system that had existed in one form or another for a century.

Dismantling the public mental health care system nationally became part of an official consensus soon afterwards, and by the time Reagan entered the White House, the process was nearly complete.

Part of the rationale came from Nancy Reagan's adoptive father, a neurosurgeon who was convinced that mental illness -- as it was typically understood and treated -- was an illusion, a chimera. Mental health, in his view, was largely a matter of brain chemistry, and if chemistry went off track, it could be and should be treated with drugs, not warehousing in state mental institutions. In some cases of so-called mental illness, surgery might be necessary to repair or bypass damaged brain and nerve cells. There might be a genetic component to cases of Down's Syndrome (called "Mongolism" in those days) and Autism (sometimes seen as Idiot Savance) which couldn't be treated by any means.

His goal was to eliminate the mental health care system as it had long been operated. Like many others, he saw it as cruel, unnecessary, and the cause of more harm than help.

The ideal substitution would be for those encountering mental health issues to go to community clinics where their condition could be assessed by competent professionals and an appropriate course of medication or medication and surgery could be determined and prescribed. Those with genetic mental conditions that could not be treated would be assigned to board and care homes in their local communities rather than to giant State Institutions for the Feeble Minded.

It all seemed rational and reasonable. Many state institutions (as depicted in "The Snake Pit" for example) were terrible places, filled with suffering patients, indifferent or downright cruel staff, and from which it was too often nearly impossible to escape. The law enabled involuntary indefinite commitments, too often on the say-so of people who were unqualified to determine the mental condition of those who were committed. Getting out once committed could be a nightmare of bureaucracy and legal misconduct.

Treatment in these places was often non-existent or so inadequate as to be counterproductive.

Patient neglect was commonplace, medical malpractice was too common as well.

The community clinic approach to mental health care seemed far better given the liberationist tenor of the times and the rapid development of psychotropic drugs, some of which seemed to be better at treating common mental health conditions such as depression, anxiety and manic behavior than any course of psycho-therapy.

Placing those who could not be treated with medication in community board and care homes where a few to a dozen patients might live in comfort and be cared for compassionately seemed far better for the patients and their families than warehousing them by the hundreds or thousands at a central location.

The law cooperated by making the indefinite involuntary commitment no longer possible and by strictly controlling how and whether any involuntary commitment would henceforth take place.

State mental hospitals were largely shut down or turned into prisons for the "criminally insane." Patients were released to their own or their family's recognizance. Community clinics were slow to be established or non-existent. Board and care facilities were initially few and quite expensive. Drug treatments for mental illness were sometimes botched by physicians unfamiliar with the side effects of medications, by patients who refused medication, and by pharmaceutical manufacturers who produced quantities of unhelpful medications. Surgery was expensive and rare.

In fact, the expense and bother of this new system proved to be a barrier to the widespread availability of mental health care services once the state systems had been dismantled.

For many patients, there was simply no place to go. Even where there were clinics, being seen and treated at them could be daunting for people in fragile mental condition.

Literally what happened was that the police took over the "care" of a large portion of the mentally ill, and jails and prisons became the new "Snake Pits" for many people who might otherwise have benefited from treatment had it been available.

In many jurisdictions today, 30% or more of those in jail or prison suffer from mental illness, and their conditions are rarely treated. It has become commonplace to read about mentally ill individuals who are shot to death by police when they act out, or to see the horrifying results of the beatings they endure under from police under the guise of public safety.

What replaced the state mental health care system was better for some patients, much, much worse for others. Deadly for too many.

What's replaced the state mental health care system is a national and international disgrace and embarrassment, but for reasons of economy on the one hand, and official indifference to suffering on the other, nothing substantive is done about it. The situation in which a significant number of mentally ill individuals is shot to death by police every year, and a much larger number is jailed or imprisoned is taken for granted. This is the status quo, and there is little official interest in changing it.

Yet this status quo is barbaric compared to public mental health care provisions practically anywhere else in the developed world. It's outrageous and unacceptable, and yet it doesn't change.

The theme running through the current system is one of official abuse and neglect of the mentally ill, and the continual deaths of mentally ill individuals by police gun fire. I call them summary executions.

The shooting death in March of James Boyd of Albuquerque was one of the most egregious examples, but by no means was it the only one. The Boyd killing, however, caused such an outcry that instead of looking the other way or simply dismissing his death as "unfortunate but justified", officials in Albuquerque and elsewhere had to pay attention.

The people rose up and demanded better from their police and their civic administrations.

So far, they have yet to receive anything better. The killing goes on unabated, there is no improvement in mental health care provisions, and police and civic officials defy every call for reform. The status quo seems so entrenched that it often appears that nothing can be done to change it.

It's almost fifty years since shutting down state mental health care services became the standard operational practice. The results are plain enough: much death and destruction of those unlucky enough to be afflicted with mental illness, much death and destruction among families and communities, much imprisonment of the mentally ill, little or no care for the mentally ill, and a barbaric disregard for the well-being of individuals, communities and society.

That's where we are.

What then must we do?

That will be a topic for another post.


Wednesday, June 4, 2014

The Military and Police Abuse

The way we think it used to be but never actually was.


There is constant discussion about the fact that "since 9/11" US police forces have been militarized.

Anyone who's been following the problem of police abuse in the United States would likely take issue with the notion that police militarization has only been an issue "since 9/11." In fact, the military model is at the root of modern urban policing, dating back to the 19th century, and the hyper-militarization of American police forces is an outgrowth of the Perpetual War on Drugs which has its roots in Nixon-time.

In other words, militarized police have been with us for a long time. The anomaly is not militarized police, it seems to me, it is the ideal of the "helpful officer in blue" -- something that we read about in children's books but which has only rarely been the reality.

This children's book from Britain's Ladybird series makes the point...



Prior to the modern era, law enforcement was often made the responsibility of the military. This was true in New Mexico during Spanish and the Mexican rule as well as afterwards under Anglo-American occupation.

The military often used extreme measures to enforce its rule in New Mexico, starting with Hernan de Coronado, who is said to have burned 200 rebellious Tiguex Indians at the stake as punishment for their temerity and slaughtered numerous others who tried to escape. That was in 1540.

Coronado said the Indians had declared war on him and his adventurers when they tried to stop the ravage of their fields by Coronado's horses and the rape of their women by Coronado's men.

The attitudes of those in power hasn't changed all that much since then.

Last week, Sam Markwell posted at La Jicarita his exploration of the specifically American tradition of "publicly sanctioned killing" as a way of providing context to the current protests against APD's bloodthirsty behavior. His point is much the same as mine: what's going on is baked in to the culture of policing in New Mexico and in the country at large. It is derived from the military culture that preceded the modern civil police forces, and it is deeply imbued with racist and classist notions about who should be subjected to the full force of the law.

Markwell puts it this way:

People and groups that identify primarily as citizens tend to locate APD’s problem in its supposed deviation from American norms of policing and see the solution as reestablishing a more authentic form of American policing. It is usually claimed that a prior moment of national life, when“good policing” prevailed,was lost during 9/11, World War II, or some other event of dramatic national transformation. This fall from grace, it seems, is always repairable by returning to the origins of the U.S. national project.

The trouble is, that's not the way it is. There was never a golden age of policing in this country, at least not for designated out groups, and there was no fall from grace from some better time.

Markwell continues:

But the claim that the militarization of police and technological surveillance are solely due to post-9/11 invasions into citizen freedoms does not take seriously the decades-long problems with APD, or the historical dynamics of how citizenship has been racially defined and policed in the U.S, and in particular Albuquerque. To put it differently, legal killing did not arrive in Albuquerque with the execution of James Boyd and the 25 killings APD has committed under Mayor Berry’s administration. Killing has been part of operative logics in the various legal regimes that have been enforced since the U.S. occupied the region in the mid-eighteenth century. As David Correia’s work in the Alibi and La Jicarita has emphasized— echoing the work of generations of Native, Chicano, and Black social justice activists—the problem must be situated in a much longer historical trajectory that is shaped by the racial structures and dynamics of U.S. colonization projects.
It isn't just race dynamics, though that's a key component. Class matters almost as much.

In New Mexico:

“The two principal problems which the territorial government faced …were to establish satisfactory relations with the military, and to bring the Indian menace under control.”  [According to UNM professor Thomas Donnelly.] The formation of militia’s to kill “red thieves” and the construction of penitentiaries to imprison “white thieves” reveals the racial logics enshrined in the U.S. law and policing systems. These systems mutually determined how violent forms of policing targeted different populations to establish public order for the new U.S. settler regime.
The ethic of policing in the United States has long followed the same path. The "Indian menace" in New Mexico Territory was no different than the "Indian menace" faced by Anglo colonists from the outset of their efforts in North America. The native population had to be suppressed and dispossessed, and if they resisted -- or were thought to be about to resist -- they had to be exterminated. Black chattel slaves had to be controlled and punished if they resisted their enslavement -- or were thought to be about to resist. The same with Hispanics who became "Americans" with the seizure of the Southwest from Mexico.

It was always the same.

These violent processes are the preconditions for U.S. civic rule, which deems who is a valued member of the national body and who is a killable “threat.” The military is not invading domestic police forces in an unprecedented fashion. They have long been interdependent entities whose boundaries are co-determined in and through the territorial and political contestations that shape them, and the national labor pool that provides them bodies to be set out on violent trajectories. The jurisdiction of the militias and police forces that secured the new settler legal order has been transformed since the beginning of the U.S. occupation in 1848. Essentially, this legal order has been organized around the protection of settler-citizen life and property against perceived threats (the Indian, the criminal, the homeless, the mentally ill).
Who, specifically, is subject to the kinds of violent processes that police and the military engage in changes from time to time, but always the race and class component is paramount. It's often been said that the APD doesn't kill citizens who live in the Northeast Heights of Albuquerque. They wouldn't dream of it. They, after all, are the property owners and settler-citizens for whose benefit the police force exists.

Just as the military would not ordinarily attack their own general staff.

Native communities in New Mexico have been critical of this system since its inception, pointing out the inadequacies and injustices of U.S. governance. For instance, at the 1934 Congress of the All Indian Pueblo Council, Pablo Abeita, a representative from Isleta Pueblo who had served a term as a judge, spoke to the ways that colonially and racially produced inequalities structured the U.S. legal system: “I can say, without hesitation, that when it comes to pure meanness, the white people take first prize, the blue ribbon, because when the Indians have killed one, they have killed thousands. When the Indians steal or rob 15 cents the white man has already stolen fifteen million or more. And that is not all; when the Indian is caught doing these things he is either jailed or hanged, and when the white man is caught he is given a good lecture, told to be careful so he won’t be caught the next time.” These asymmetries persist, and the U.S. legal system continues to police people in ways that create violent situations that result in killings or locking the dispossessed in cages.
These days, however, it's not just Anglos doing this to protect themselves from the browner and blacker savages -- although that is a part of it. Racial (and gender) prejudice may have diminished somewhat, and the police forces may be made up of a diverse membership, but their targets haven't changed all that much. They still see their principal function as enabling and enforcing the overlordship of those with status against those without, those with property against those without, those with power against those without.

The military once did that, especially in the West, and replacing their arbitrary authority with the civil authority of police was thought to be progressive. But in many cases, police authority was just as arbitrarily imposed, and police brutality was often worse than that of the military, especially when police combined with militias to enforce rough justice.

The problem with American policing runs deeper than its current fashion for militarization.

Tuesday, June 3, 2014

The Wild West and Police Abuse


There was something of an unexpected dust up at the Albuquerque City Hall yesterday when a good sized group of protesters against police abuse made their way up to the eleventh floor mayor's office and walked right in to a "secure" area where they demanded to see the mayor, demanded the resignation of the police chief, and sat down to read aloud from the DoJ report on APD misconduct.

Elevators were disabled so as to prevent any more of the rabble from coming upstairs to the mayor's office. The City Administrator apparently tried to bully them out of this outer office, but they refused to leave. The police then "escorted" them out of the building. Much later, it was revealed that the mayor wasn't in town, he was in New York, meeting with "Wall Street" on the topic of "best practices." That's hopeful, no?

Thirteen were arrested, including David Correia -- who was charge with felony battery on a police officer, apparently for pushing on a door behind which a police officer was standing. Ergo, "battery" upon the poor po-po. Felony battery at that. Shades of Cecily McMillan.

Clearly they're afraid of David, an articulate and outspoken advocate for police accountability and reform. But more to the point, The Powers That Be in Albuquerque are having a collective melt down. Once again, for example, the City Council cancelled its Monday meeting over "security" concerns. The mayor has never met with those who have been protesting police abuse. They've been protesting for years. The mayor does not attend city council meetings and he has never heard the anguish of those who have lost loved ones to police misconduct and murder. Some of those on the council dismiss the concerns of the public regarding police abuse, claiming that none of their constituents have complained about police abuse, so those who do complain about it are not representative of their communities.

The police themselves have been reluctant to acknowledge any misconduct on their part, despite the abundance of evidence in the DoJ report that concluded that the department as a whole has for long engaged in "unconstitutional policing" and "unjustified uses of force, including lethal force." This has long been known in the community, long been protested against, long been ignored or dismissed by the powers that be (never, ever, has the District Attorney or the Police Department found any shooting by police to be "unjustified.")

When the autopsy results of the James Boyd killing were released last week, I read the report with a heavy heart. The man was shot in the back in a way that would lead to his death. His vital organs were ruptured and there was little chance he could have survived despite the fact that when he was taken to the hospital, he received extensive emergency treatment. He was also shot in both arms, one of which was shattered by the bullet so badly it had to be amputated at the hospital. His legs were savagely bitten by the dog that was loosed on him, and he was badly bruised by beanbag rounds which were fired from close range after he fell to the ground from being hit by bullets.

All for what? Why did this happen to this man at all?

That's the question more and more residents and activists have been asking themselves and The Albuquerque Powers That Be since James Boyd's killing, and many survivors and loved ones have been asking the city authorities for years-and-years. Why? Why is this happening.

James Boyd's killing is emblematic of a kind of killer police culture that is found more and more frequently in the United States, leading to more and more involvement by the Department of Justice in reforming and sometimes running police forces, but the question remains, "Does it do any good?"

There have been three killings by APD since the DoJ report was released, four (or is it five, I lose track) since James Boyd's killing. Only one might be considered a 'good shoot' -- in the sense that there might have been a clear and imminent threat to the police or others from the man who was shot, though he was armed only with a box cutter. The others are dubious at best. Video evidence from police is lacking in three of the four cases. Video evidence in the fourth case has not been released. Witness testimony and citizen-taken video evidence in some of these cases does not support police accounts of what happened, in fact, it contradicts police accounts.

The fact that police say something happened does not mean it did; the fact that police file reports does not mean they are true. This is the case in Albuquerque as it is and has been nearly everywhere for a very long time. False reports and fabricated evidence have a long and storied history throughout American police culture. It's by no means unique to Albuquerque.

But the rate of killing by police in Albuquerque is unique. Deaths occur at the hands of Albuquerque police at a greater rate per-capita than in any other city in the country. As the DoJ report makes clear, over and over, many of those who die are not threatening anyone but themselves, and even then, the threat is often exaggerated or exacerbated by police. In other words, the police themselves are the ones who jeopardize public safety by their violent actions.

Why?

For quite a while, I've attributed much of the trigger-happiness of APD to the survival of a Wild West ethos, something that may not always be obvious or recognized. Albuquerque is a large and in many ways sophisticated city, the largest city in New Mexico, the only city of any size in New Mexico. But it grew relatively recently from a tiny and ancient nucleus near the Rio Grande, and I suspect its growth has overwhelmed civic institutions -- such as the police. That's quite a different situation, I think, than that faced by residents and police in places like Oakland, Seattle, Cincinnati, Chicago and New Orleans, among many others where police misconduct has been reported and investigated and reforms demanded or required.

What it most closely resembles, to my mind, is the police vs resident situation in Los Angeles, a constantly tense and too often bloody confrontational situation that has led to extreme consequences for the city and county of Los Angeles more than once.

Why?

Or maybe the right question is "Who?" For not everyone in Los Angeles or Albuquerque is subjected to routine police abuse and misconduct, not everyone is necessarily in the gunsights of the police, even when they are acting out.

Certain areas of Los Angeles and Albuquerque are policed intensively, and certain types of people are subjected to police abuse at a far, far greater rate than others in both cities.

Who and why?

A lot of it goes back to the original impetus behind civic police forces as a replacement for military and militia occupation forces. This is especially true in the West.

The West, the Southwest especially, became part of the United States as occupied territory seized from Mexico in the War of 1846-48, a war of aggression against the Republic of Mexico initiated in order to acquire territory for westward expansion, the vaunted "Manifest Destiny" of Anglo-American lore and legend.

Los Angeles is a much bigger city than Albuquerque, and LA grew somewhat sooner and faster than Albuquerque, but their histories parallel one another fairly closely.  The railroad was crucial to the growth of both, as were the military and defense industry installations of World War II. The railroad overlaid an Anglo-American town and soon a city over a Spanish-Mexican-Indian village-rural settlement that had operated on very different social and political principles.

In order for the Anglo-Americans to feel secure enough to assert their own power in these lands they'd seized, they had to suppress the earlier occupants, restrict and confine them, and when it suited their purposes, they had to kill them -- or have someone in their employ, such as the military or militias, and later the police, do it for them.

This is a factor of the Wild West that's long been hidden in plain sight. The Wild West was wild partly because of the Anglo-American social/cultural (even spiritual?) necessity to exploit, control, tame or eliminate the original inhabitants of the land they seized. These were the non-Anglos, the Indians, the Spanish, the Mexicans. And later, they would include the blacks and the Asians.

In other words, the Wild West was wild in part to enable the exploitation, control, confinement, and elimination of those who were not Anglo-Americans.

Urban police forces were only necessary once there was an urban agglomeration to police. Prior to that advent, control and exploitation of non-Anglos was the work of sheriffs, posses, militias, military forces, and sometimes private forces (such as Pinkertons). When that failed, as it sometimes did, individuals would deputize themselves to "enforce the law" or lynch mobs would be organized to go wilding against those who were designated enemies and troublemakers.

This included attacks on Indian encampments and villages, both for sport and for cause, that continued well into the 20th century. It included the segregation of and exploitation of and frequently the murder of Spanish-speaking residents to "teach them a lesson" about who was boss. Very simple, very primitive expressions of power were routine and were widely considered to be socially acceptable and necessary for the Progress of Civilization. In order for Anglo-Americans to rise, it was believed by many, and is still believed by many, that the Other -- particularly those who were considered to be racially inferior -- had to be suppressed by any and all means including murder with impunity.

In some areas of the (Wild) West, the murder of Indians still isn't a routine subject for official investigation. It never was.

We hear of and sometimes celebrate the exploits of certain Outlaws of the Wild West, typically Anglo-American outlaws, rather than the more typical Hispanic and Indian "Outlaws," but from the perspective of the original residents of the West -- the Indians and Hispanics who were being turned into Outlaws by the advent of Anglo-American "civilization" in the West -- the Anglo-American newcomers and interlopers were the real Outlaws, stealing everything they could get their hands on and despoiling or destroying what they couldn't, leaving a bloody trail behind them.

That determination of who is "trouble" and what to do about it is still very much a part of the culture of the West, particularly among urban police forces such as those of Los Angeles and Albuquerque. Phoenix is notorious, of course, as is Arizona in general, for its somewhat overenthusiastic policing of the browner tinged residents of the area. But it happens in many other areas of the West as well, pretty much wherever there are significant numbers of darker-hued and/or impoverished residents, urban or rural, it doesn't really matter.

What matters is that Anglo-American rule is enforced with as much force as is deemed "necessary" for the security and comfort of the Powerful. The poor and the marginalized populations must be suppressed.

Just as it was when the Anglo-Americans came thundering into the region back in the day.

The irony in Albuquerque as well as other parts of New Mexico (and California, Arizona and elsewhere) is that many of those who exercise "Anglo-American" power against marginalized and impoverished populations are themselves of the browner tinge.

They have been acculturated to suppress/oppress their brothers and sisters, at times fatally. Frequently, the rationalization is that whoever gets killed by police "needed killing," because of their drug use, their tattoos, their odd behavior, their defiant attitude, or what have you. Victim blaming is routine. The victims always bring it on themselves and they always are deemed to deserve whatever happens to them, even when, as in the case of James Boyd (and Alfred Redwine and others) they were surrendering. Rather than accept such a surrender, it has been customary for police to summarily execute suspects. It's acceptable when the suspect is deemed to "need killing."

In the Wild West, such killings may not have been all that frequent, but when they happened, they were widely accepted as the appropriate consequence for (particularly) brown folks who out of line or for annoying someone of higher status. It was also acceptable to kill Anglo-American folks of lower status who acted "funny" or who were perceived to pose a threat of any kind to those of higher status.

Of course, killings that took place in the heat of passion or as a consequence of liquor were widely deemed to be acceptable as well -- unless someone of higher status were murdered by someone of lower status, in which case, frequently, the full force of ad hoc "justice" -- via lynch mob or other improvised means -- was often applied.

Murders among the poor and marginalized populations were "their problem," rarely troubling officials and The Powers That Be.

So long as these ideals of public order are maintained among those who hold the reins of power, so long will the killing and maiming by police continue. It is what they believe they are supposed to be doing. "Reform" really isn't the issue -- if the ideal stays the same. At this point, there is no sign that reform of the APD will even proceed, for APD is resisting even modest efforts to change the practices of the force, let alone reform the entire policing culture.

Yesterday, there was a protest at the Albuquerque mayor's office. Thirteen people were arrested, some of whom believe they have been stalked by Albuquerque police in the past for speaking out against the culture of impunity behind so much of the killing that's gone on. David Correia, one of the most outspoken members of the protest group, was charged with a felony, likely in order to shut him up.

The civic authorities are running scared. But so far, neither they nor the APD are willing to accept the inevitability of change.

Monday, June 2, 2014

Police Departments At War With The Citizens?

The Albuquerque Police Department (APD) has been under intense scrutiny by the Department of Justice for some time now. The APD as a whole has been declared by the DoJ to have engaged in routine "unconstitutional policing" and frequent unnecessary and unjustified use of force. These are serious charges, but they are not uncommon findings when the DoJ investigates local police forces.

APD and the City of Albuquerque are negotiating a consent decree under which APD will be required to operate in the future. Many city police forces have been put under such decrees in the past, and some are currently operating under such decrees.

Results vary. In Oakland, CA, for example, the instructions of the a settlement agreement reached in 2003 were routinely violated or ignored, the Federal monitors who were emplaced to ensure compliance were openly defied, and "unconstitutional policing" continued without pause or let up for a decade or more. In some respects, Oakland policing was manifestly worse after the settlement agreement was entered into than before it, in part because of the defiance of the Oakland Police Department, defiance which at times could be quite brutal and bloody. It was as if OPD was daring the courts and the DoJ and the city to do anything about it.

After all, what could they do? He who has the guns has the power, right? After years and years of citizen complaints, civic paralysis, bloodshed and destruction of lives and property by the OPD, removal and replacement of police chief after police chief, the replacement of the city administrator, the failed recall of the mayor, declarations of failure by the courts, threats to place OPD into federal receivership and routine impunity of action by Oakland police, it appears that something approaching a truce and good faith effort to reform is finally... maybe... perhaps... under way. No one is certain.

There is as yet no clear indication that OPD's behavior and relationship with the city's citizens has actually changed -- nor that it can or will. It's been nearly 12 years since the negotiated settlement was entered into. Twelve years of police terror and misery for residents of Oakland. Twelve years of defiance and contempt of the people by OPD. Is it even possible for the department to comply with the orders of the court? Those who have observed the process and the continual defiance by the OPD are understandably dubious.

In Seattle, members of the police department have recently sued in Federal Court to have the portions of the consent decree the city and SPD entered into after years of citizen complaint and DoJ investigation voided. The suit is particularly over the use of force guidelines imposed on SPD -- after a number of appalling incidents in which SPD officers injured or killed residents with apparent impunity. The officers claim they are now at risk of their own lives because they cannot, according to the guidelines of the decree, impose whatever force they and they alone believe is necessary when and how they deem fit, essentially with complete impunity. While the suit is not in direct defiance of the DoJ and the courts, it is a form of indirect defiance which neatly expresses an attitude many police departments hold toward the citizens they are alleged to protect and serve.

I've been following the issue of police abuse of citizens and residents of many jurisdictions for many years, and have written fairly extensively on the topic. Some local police forces in the United States have a long and bloody history of outrageous conduct while others do not. But all seem to have become more abusive toward the law and citizens when they can be, and many operate under a cloud of impunity which allows them to be almost as abusive as they want to be whenever they choose to be.

The Albuquerque, Oakland and Seattle situations are somewhat unusual in that the defiance toward reform by at least some portion of the force is in the open and their hostility toward residents and reformers alike is part of the ongoing problem residents have been seeking to address. That police forces refuse, quite openly, to follow the orders and recommendations and decrees of the courts and continue to act with impunity toward citizens indicates to me that some police forces see themselves as armies of occupation beholden to some other command and control than that of their local, state, and federal governments.

Who or what could that be? Who or what is actually in charge of runaway-rogue police forces, and how did the situation get so out of the control of local residents?

Over the next few weeks, if I'm not distracted by other things, I'll try to get into that question more deeply.

Sunday, June 1, 2014

Well. They Didn't Mention Sister Maya Except In A Rude Way...


Escabosa, NM, July, 1940, courtesy of the Library of Congress

Yesterday included a lot of driving time, a lot of sitting time, some chatting time, a lot of listening time. Interesting.

Maya Angelou was mentioned, as it turns out, but not politely.

No, Sister Maya was mentioned by one of the poets at the José Montoya event in Albuquerque, by one of the more incendiary poets, who said something to the effect that there were more accomplished and dedicated female poets in the room last night, each of them of a higher caliber than Maya Angelou, but none of them would ever be on "Opal", and none of them would ever have the honors and recognition that Maya Angelou had -- because each of them was Chicana, and in America Chicana doesn't count.

We were exhorted to mount a protest at Bookworks because of it.

Well, now, that's just wrong, but in some ways, it's not. Chicanas do count, but they don't, too. How can things be two opposite things at the same time? That was an underlying theme for the discussion at Santa Fe's Museum of Contemporary Native Art in the afternoon with artist Shan Goshorn, scientist Jennifer Dunne, and former CIA operative Valerie Plame. The panel never mentioned Maya Angleou (I wonder why not?) but they did get into the contradictions between things that simultaneously are and are not what they appear to be, things that have and have not the linear qualities Anglos come to expect, and how one's conditioning to those expectations differs... and what to make of it.

Maya Angleou was lucky, and she knew it. She was in the right place at the right time -- and she was the right color for the time. She took absolutely full advantage of it, shamelessly, without qualm or hesitation. She was brilliant. And she rose. But she knew it wouldn't have happened if things outside herself, things that she could not control, had not conspired with her own will to make it so.

So, in some ways, was it with mi hermano José Montoya, who was honored last night at the National Hispanic Cultural Center by a stellar gathering of Chicano/a poets (many of them poets laureate) from throughout the Southwest and California. And there was music. Oh, la musica!  Baile!

What a time it was.

Jose, it turns out -- and I didn't know this -- was born in Escabosa, NM, just down the road from our place. Well. I say that with such confidence, but in fact, I'm not sure exactly where it is, or rather was. There is an Escabosa loop road between Chilili and Tijeras, but whether that's where Jose's Escabosa was, I don't know. There is no sign of a town there at any rate. No sign that a town ever was there, either. If there are ruins, they have so melted back into the earth, you'd never know, much like some of the Indian pueblos in the vicinity.

There's another Escabosa indicated somewhat north of Edgewood, however, on the way from the Walmart to the foot of South Mountain. There's no town there, either, but there is a school and some dirt tracks that indicate there might have once been a town there of sorts.

Which one was where Jose Montoya was born, I don't know, and the truth is, I kind of doubt he would know for sure either. It wouldn't really matter all that much, as he and his family decamped from Escabosa, New Mexico when he was very young and set out for the hard path of field work in California's Central Valley.

Of course, why not? At least it was green there. There were crops that could be harvested. Not so much in New Mexico, in Escabosa and round about, where a decade long drought had shriveled everything and dust blew high in the air. The economy -- such as it was in the New Mexican backwater-lackwater -- had collapsed. Families left for greener pastures in their multitudes, joining the Joad jalopies on the Mother Road, the road to Needles, Bakersfield, Sanger, Fowler, Fresno, Modesto, Merced, Stockton and Sac-a-ra-men-to.

Oh god I have traveled that road so many eff-ing times. So many! Well, not exactly on the road that the Joads and the Montoyas and the Escobars and the Trinidads traveled. I was on that road perhaps only once, when I was driven in the backseat of a 1942 Packard Clipper, hell bent for leather, from Iowa to California when I was barely 9 months old, passing through New Mexico, perhaps stopping for the night, but I certainly can't remember that trip. Or can I? There are time I really think I do remember, a body memory perhaps, or maybe something else...

In California/Califa, Jose grew up to be bad, to be a 'Chuco -- Pachuco -- the Devil Mexican as far as the Anglos were concerned, and he liked taunting Anglos like a Pachuco for the rest of his life. And why not? The Anglos had stolen everything they could get their hands on and forced the people they had stolen from to work in the Anglo fields stooped over in the blazing Central Valley sun for next to nothing -- but at least it was something, some of the time.

Farm work in California was tough, still is. It was crippling. It was necessary. It would kill you. Or it would make you strong.

Jose and his family worked the fields up and down the Central Valley, and finally, when Jose was old enough, he went into the Army and survived. When he came out, he took advantage of the GI Bill, and behold! He became a professor of Chicano Studies (well, not instantly, but eventually) at the new state college set up in Sacramento -- where my sister would go, too, and get her masters (eventually, not immediately) -- but I refused to go there on principle. That's another story for another day, but I will say here that there was no escape from Sac State (whether college or university) in Sacramento, and in due time, there would be no escaping Professor José Montoya, nor the art collective he created, the "Rebel Chicano Art Front," re-dubbed "The Royal Chicano Air Force" when some newspaper reporter got the initials (RCAF) wrong.

I knew mi hermano José but I did not know him well. He was a presence, a force of nature (much like Sister Maya, come to think of it), but I was not his student, did not work with him, had little close contact with him over the years. I had friends who were much closer to him than I was. I considered him a friend of mine in a very casual way, an acquaintance. No, intimacy was much more a factor of my working and social relations with other RCAF members such as Juanishi Orosco, Armando Cid, Juan Carrillo, and of course Joe Serna. Many other relationships I don't care to go into here constituted the threads of a web of relationships, some of which are still active, many of which are now broken, in part because there have been so many deaths along the way. We don't last forever, do we? No. We die.

And we also move. The Montoyas moved from whichever Escabosa it was to the fields of California's Central Valley, and we, the Chés, for our part, have moved from the Central Valley to somewhere east of the East Mountains of New Mexico, not far from whichever Escabosa José and his family departed from so many years ago now.

The future for them was in California. The future for us has been in New Mexico.

Go figure. Somehow there is a pattern there. One that could be identified if our eyes were clearer and we had the means to see. There are many uncharted webs of relations come to think about it.

José never moved back to New Mexico. I have no idea if he ever wanted to. He came back many times, and he was a major influence on the development of the National Hispanic Cultural Center in Albuquerque where we attended the Poets Conclave in his honor last night. In other words, he never cut his ties to New Mexico, though he never returned to live here. Family relations are still here. His daughter, Gina, who lives in Los Angeles, pointed out that he'd bought a "little plot of ground" in New Mexico, and the family fully intended to do "something" there. In time. In due time. So. We can look forward to a 'Chuco center near the center of New Mexico... no? That would be wonderful.

LATINOPIA WORD JOSE MONTOYA "PACHUCO PORTFOLIO" from Latinopia.com on Vimeo.

When I was a kid living in one of the few racially mixed neighborhoods in Los Angeles at the time (a neighborhood that has become almost entirely Hispanicized -- is that a word? -- since then) 'Chucos were talked about in somewhat hushed tones at my neighbor's house. The Vegas. They were terrific people, very influential in my childhood, and I will never forget their warmth and their many kindnesses and the hot, fresh tortillas I had for lunch at their house on many a day, sometimes dipped in enchilada sauce, sometimes rolled up with meat and onions and chile. Or just plain with a little butter...

They would mention 'Chucos and the zoot suits and the riots in LA. During the War.

The War was the center of history, and LA was the center of the world. And so many things happened in the War and in LA to destroy Chicanismo. My neighbors, the Vegas, dared not speak Spanish in public, even then years after the War and the Riots, they only spoke English, because if they spoke Spanish they were afraid they would be deported or worse, because that's what happened to "greasers" and "beaners" in California back in the day. They were rounded up, put on trains and sent "back" to Mexico, whether or not they had any connection with the place. They were beat up, they were shot, they were denounced, they were marginalized. That's what Anglo Angelinos did to Mexicans, without a qualm.

So the Vegas were careful, never deviating from Anglo demands and expectations, except in their own home when they felt they were safe. And even then, they were careful.

I thought it was wrong, I thought it was cruel. There was no reason for them not to speak Spanish if they wanted to. At least I didn't think there was. There was no reason for them to hide their Catholic saints behind the lace at their windows, no reason for them not to pray and laugh and grow roses the way their ancestors had.

No reason at all.

It hurt no one for them to be Chicanos, a word they would never use.

José gave them something back. Whether they knew it or took it or no.

So we sat last night at the National Hispanic Cultural Center hearing poet after poet after poet laureate honor Jose Montoya and his legacy and his memory, and it was wonderful and warm and moving and almost giddy at times.

Jimmy Santiago Baca mentioned Sister Maya last night, but only in a rude way. I thought that was sad, that he could only see her rudely, for I think what she did helped enable what José did and both together did more for the poets laureate that have proliferated around the country ever since than perhaps even Jimmy Santiago Baca can realize.

It was a good day and night, filled with connections and insights and brilliance.

Viva.